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Film hides Abu-Jamal truth in plain sight

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In December 1969, the then head of the national NAACP, Roy Wilkins, joined with other top Black civil rights leaders and white civil liberties/equal rights leaders in condemning the police murder of Chicago Black Panther Party head Fred Hampton.

Last week Philadelphia’s NAACP head and a local Black filmmaker faced stiff criticism for their stances on a contentious local murder case containing a connection to that 1969 Hampton slaying — a blood-soaked fatality that later congressional investigations and court proceedings determined was a FBI-aided assassination.

That criticism erupted during a tense Q-&-A session following a screening of “Barrel of a Gun” the latest film by Tigre Hill.

Hill’s film purports to provide irrefutable proof that acclaimed Philadelphia journalist Mumia Abu-Jamal brutally murdered a Philadelphia policeman in December 1981.

Hill sees no problems with Abu-Jamal’s 1982 murder conviction feeling Abu-Jamal is properly serving life in prison following removal of his death sentence last fall.

Hill, Philadelphia/Pennsylvania NAACP president Jerry Mondesire and attorney/activist Michael Coard were panelists on a program following the “Barrel” screening at the International House.

Hill and Mondesire said their investigations — conducted separately — convinced each of Abu-Jamal’s guilt.

Mondesire, The Philadelphia Sunday Sun newspaper publisher, said he conducted his investigation after Abu-Jamal refused his request to tell “what happened” when incarcerated Abu-Jamal asked to write for The Sun in the early 1990s.

Attorney Coard, however, said his investigations of all court transcripts and court filings in this controversial case convinced him that Abu-Jamal was both legally not guilty and factually innocent. Coard called Hill’s film “a great work of fiction.”

Hill’s documentary pushes the unsubstantiated theory that Abu-Jamal’s hatred of police, developed during Abu-Jamal’s 17-month, teenaged membership in the Black Panther Party, triggered his killing Officer Daniel Faulkner on 12/9/81 — 12 years after Abu-Jamal voluntarily left the BPP.

That “Barrel” title of Hill’s film comes from a response Abu-Jamal made to a Philadelphia newspaper reporter in January 1970 when Abu-Jamal, then a 15-year-old BPP member, told the reporter that Hampton’s murder during a midnight Chicago police raid provided proof that power comes from the barrel of a gun.

Abu-Jamal used that power-from-gun quote for emphasizing how police were killing BPP members nationwide to destroy the BPP — an organization founded partly to confront rampant police brutality against Blacks.

That quote came from Mao Tse-tung, the communist founder of contemporary China. Hill’s film harps on Mao being a prime influence driving Abu-Jamal’s radical behaviors.

That police campaign to slay BPP members — 28 deaths between January 1968 and December 1969 — is what outraged leaders like the NAACP’s Wilkins and former U.S. United Nations Ambassador Arthur Goldberg.

During Abu-Jamal’s 1982 murder trial the prosecutor perverted that power-gun remark, shifting from Abu-Jamal applying it to police killing Black Panthers to proclaiming Abu-Jamal’s intent to kill police — one of many factual mischaracterizations that millions worldwide constantly cite when charging Abu-Jamal received an unfair trial.

During last week’s tense Q-&-A audience members assailed Hill for his one-sided depiction of Panthers as crazed cop killers without referencing any campaigns to kill Panthers like the FBI’s COINTELPRO later exposed as operative in Hampton’s murder.

Hill’s film portrays police as victims without referencing police brutality historically victimizing Blacks.

That brutality problem still persists including in Philadelphia — a problem Mondesire raised when deflecting audience criticism by rightly praising the local NAACP for constantly filing lawsuits against “police brutality.”

Less than six months before Hampton’s murder the Chicago Black Police Officer’s Association blasted the Chicago Police Department for conducting “racial genocide against Black people” through brutal beatings, fatal shootings and false arrests.

Eighteen years before that 1969 Chicago Black police condemnation an interracial group filed a petition with the United Nations charging the U.S. government with committing “Genocide” against Blacks.

That petition listed “the policeman’s bullet” as the new form of lynching. Two of the first eight police brutality cases cited in that 1951 petition came from Philadelphia.

In 1969, the NAACP’s Wilkins dismissed Chicago police explanations defending their Hampton killing as “not even plausible.”

Last week attorney Coard and audience critics lambasted Hill for his film’s implausible construction omitting evidence questioning Abu-Jamal’s guilt.

One example is Hill using former Philadelphia Police Inspector Alfonzo Giordano as his film’s featured expert on Abu-Jamal crime without revealing Giordano’s corruption conviction and/or emphasizing Giordano’s intimate involvement in the two-tiered emergence of Abu-Jamal’s alleged confession.

The confession prosecutors used during Abu-Jamal’s 1982 trial suspiciously surfaced during a Police Department investigation into Abu-Jamal’s charge that Giordano beat him at the crime scene.

Mondesire drew fire from audience members by declaring the national NAACP had “never taken a position” on Abu-Jamal’s case during his pre-Q-&-A panel presentation.

Audience critics produced resolutions adopted at NAACP annual national conventions supporting investigations into Abu-Jamal’s disputed conviction and statements by former NAACP board chairman Julian Bond supporting Abu-Jamal.

Mondesire, responding to those critics, said he said the NAACP never picked up the Abu-Jamal case as a “major matter.”

Filmmaker Hill, under questioning from panel moderator Annette John-Hall, a Philadelphia Inquirer columnist, grudgingly admitted that Philly’s police union initially refused to assist him believing he was pro-Abu-Jamal simply because he is Black.

Racism evidenced by police-prosecutorial and judicial misconduct against Abu-Jamal, while dismissed by appellate courts and many like Philadelphia’s first Black DA Seth Williams, fuels doubts worldwide about Abu-Jamal’s guilt.

 

Linn Washington Jr. is a graduate of the Yale Law Journalism Fellowship Program.

1 comment

  • Dan

    The "Free Mumia" movement is like any other conspiracy theory. Just as with "truthers" re: 9/11, "birthers" re: Pres. Obama's place of birth, Holocaust deniers, etc. they latch onto little details that ultimately prove nothing.

    For example: even today, some in the "free Mumia" camp proclaim that Officer Faulkner was killed by a calliber larger than a .38, and that since Mumia had a .38, it wasn't Mumia that killed the officer. However the reality is that the autopsy never concluded that the bullet was larger than a .38. Latching onto a doctor's notes about bullet fragments, some convince themselves that the bullet couldn't have come from a .38. In fact official ballistics tests done on the fatal bullet verify that Officer Faulkner was killed by a .38 caliber bullet, not a .44 caliber bullet. The fatal .38 slug was a Federal brand Special +P bullet with a hollow base (the hollow base in a +P bullet was distinctive to Federal ammunition at that time). It is the exact type (+P with a hollow base), brand (Federal), and caliber (.38) of bullet found in Jamal’s gun. Additionally, tests have proven that the bullet that killed Officer Faulkner was fired from a weapon with the same rifling characteristics as Jamal’s .38 Caliber revolver. Further, Jamal’s own ballistics expert, George Fassnacht, conceded in his 1995 PCRA testimony that the fatal bullet was not .44 caliber, and that it was most “likely” a .38.

    It sort of reminds me of Holocaust deniers who latch onto the fact that immediately following WWII, the Soviets had placed a sign at Auschwitz claiming that 4 or 5 million were killed at the camp. Later when the sign was changed to two million, the deniers claimed this as proof that the Holocaust is a hoax. Or, that the fact that the World Trade Centre buildings collapsed upon themselves on September 11th as evidence that they must have been taken down by demolition charges.

    These types of conspiracy theories, however, fail to look at the preponderance of evidence; of the reality of human nature; and of the general inability of groups of individuals to keep a secret for a prolonged period of time. It's not that conspiracies don't happen; it's just that the more people are involved with them, and the more time goes by, the greater the chances that involved parties will talk. In this case, we're supposed to believe that within 30 minutes, patrol officers convince witnesses to all give varying versions with the common denominator being that Mumia was there and opened fire on Officer Faulkner; and that these officers and prosecutors have succesfully kept quiet about it, to the man, for over 30 years.

    As he sat in his cab in December of 1981, coincidentally, right in front of him comes his brother driving the wrong way on a one way street. An officer pulls the car over. The driver - Mumia's brother - assaults the officer and a struggle ensues. In a large city, this just happens to occur in front of Mumia. Seeing his brother in a struggle with a hated white police officer, Mumia certainly had some motive to at least interfere. He's seen by various witnesses running towards the officer - even he does not deny this. Bullets from his gun end up in Officer Faulkner's back and head. A bullet from Officer Faulkner's gun ends up in Mumia's chest. Mumia is found at the scene moments later. Mumia's brother's only statement is "I ain't got nothing to do with this!" (20 years later, he finally gave the completely unbelievable statement that he didn't see who shot Daniel Faulkner...even though he was right there. Yet another version has been making the rounds that Mumia's brother finally made the claim that his passenger fired the fatal shot...said claim baing made after that passenger passed away. Given the forensics, this theory would mean that Mumia passed his .38 to the passenger, who kills Officer Faulkner, then places the gun next to Mumia and takes off...makes sense?) Mumia doesn't say what happened. Apparently he claims that he "can't remember"...classic position often taken by those who are caught red handed. And with these set of facts, people want us to believe that he's innocent? Such a position is clearly unreasonable.

    Even if one were to indulge the fantasies of those who claim that Mumia did not kill Officer Faulkner, Mumia and his brother would clearly know who did. Neither are saying anything - rendering them morally culpable as party to the offence at the very least.

    Dan Sunday, 29 April 2012 09:49 Comment Link

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